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June 17, 2007
Yes Men
By Ankush
Andrew Bacevich takes Harry Reid's claim about General Pace's (quite obvious) incompetence one step further. Rather than continuing to confirm people for the position of the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, "A better idea might be to abolish the position of JCS chairman altogether -- and the entire JCS system along with it."
History will render this judgment of Pace, who succeeded General Richard B Myers as chairman in September 2005: As U. S. forces became mired ever more deeply in an unwinnable war, Pace remained a passive bystander, a witness to a catastrophe that he was slow to comprehend and did little to forestall. If the position of JCS chair had simply remained vacant for the past two years, it is difficult to see how the American military would be in worse shape today.
Softening history's verdict will be this fact: Long before Pace arrived on the scene the JCS had established a well-deserved reputation as one of the most ineffective institutions in Washington. Dissatisfaction with the Joint Chiefs dates virtually from the moment in 1947 when Congress passed the legislation creating it. Trying to fix the JCS soon became a cottage industry. The widespread unhappiness with Pace's performance, culminating in his de facto firing, affirms that these various reforms have failed.
Bacevich makes a pretty compelling argument that's well worth a read. I would just add that when you have organizations that are in conflict with one another -- as the White House and the military frequently are -- there's often an impulse to try to consolidate functions or to bridge gaps with new positions or offices. Sometimes the problem is that the response produces an ineffective, extra layer of bureaucracy. But other times the response is problematic because the tension was a good thing. The JCS, as Bacevich shows, has frequently seen people who combine the worst of all possible traits: While providing ostensibly independent expertise, they typically end up being coopted by the White House, telling them what they want to hear, and providing them with cover for whatever plan -- however disastrous -- they already had. Obviously, the military is subject to civilian command, but considering that it should generally be difficult to launch a war in the first place, and that wars frequently become intensely politicized affairs, it doesn't seem like a particularly terrible thing for there to be some greater institutional space between the White House and the military.
June 17, 2007 | Permalink
Comments
article was an interesting read...
I don't know about his proposed solution though. Who appoints the military advisors? Congress? The president?
Posted by: Sandals | Jun 17, 2007 6:47:45 PM
I'm open to the idea that what has evolved as a tri-partite or quadra-partite system of military control by the civilians in the government may be a good check and balance mechanism: (1) the joint chiefs of staff; (2) the regional/functional commanders (SouthCom, CentCom, StratCom, etc.); (3) Secy of Defense & staff; and (4) National Security Advisor and NSC staff - including the Iraq/Afghan War 'Czar'.
I do agree partly with Bacevich that the JCS has been often disfunctional, but that's clearly built-in as long as we have separate military services (Army, Marines, Navy, Air Force) competing for attention and resources. And Congress needs some professional military (and hopefully non-political) to provide direct views with some degree of independence from DoD and the Presidency. Separating advice from operational control as the author suggests has both good and bad aspects. Advice that carries no accountability for results isn't a good direction, especially since the Joint Chiefs don't directly control the theatre commanders (CentCom, etc.), which report directly to the President and Secy of Defense.
I'm not sure any organization reform will ever be separated from the political and loyalty aspects of having civilian control of the military. Rumsfeld clearly was too involved in selecting senior generals for promotion, imposing his own ideological positions throughout the higher eschelons, but what is 'too much' and what is 'just right'?
In my view, Bush has been far too little involved in managing and taking responsibility for the war, and LBJ was far too much involved in Vietnam. Where is the next FDR, who seemed to be 'just right' on control? There is really no way for the voters to know in advance where a President will fall in the spectrum, so I guess we learn to live with what we get. But too much 'efficiency' shouldn't be our objective but instead ensuring that the civilian commanders in DoD and the White House are regularly exposed to a range of views from the military and that the civilians don't overimpose political loyalty and ideological correctness on the people's military services. Powell was too strong, and Pace was too weak. So how does that get fixed? Maybe it can't.
Posted by: JimPortlandOR | Jun 17, 2007 7:51:24 PM
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Posted by: judy | Oct 8, 2007 9:17:51 AM
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