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November 06, 2006
The Pareto Fallacy
For no reason I can really understand, various technocrats on both ends of the aisles have convinced themselves that the relative rarity of their political preferences in the electorate is attributable to a simple lack of technical expertise among voters. Matt attributes this to what I'll call the Pareto-fallacy (named for the concept of Pareto optimality): The idea that because a certain policy could enhance widespread well-being through progressive and equitable distribution of its benefits, it will. Too often, it won't. We've a world of rational, self-interested actors where certain individuals and groups have far more power than others and that has the distributionary outcomes you'd expect. That we can construct models where power is flattened and Pareto works isn't particularly important.
This has been a nifty trick of the free trade movement: They've transformed debates over specific legislation (NAFTA, CAFTA) into debates over abstract theory. So the economists line up against protectionism, the pundits explain the pitfalls of restricting trade, and nobody actually reads or analyzes the likely outcomes of the particular trade changes proposed by the bill. It's a neat way to pass legislation, but not quite optimal. Congress passes bills, not models.
I've been thinking about this stuff over the weekend thanks to Greg Mankiw's republishing of a suppressed Fortune column he wrote explaining why it's rational for many Americans not to vote. "Sometimes," he writes, "the most responsible thing a person can do on election day is stay at home...If you really don't know enough to cast an intelligent vote, you should be eager to let your more informed neighbors make the decision."
This makes a superficial sort of sense if you assume a commonality of interests between educated and uneducated, poor and rich, black and white, etc. And, to some degree, there certainly is such a commonality. But not on everything. If you receive expansive health care benefits with very little cost-sharing from your employer, for instance, your immediate interests are different from an low-wage, uninsured worker. A system that advantages them will require greater buy-in from you. If you're the owner of a profitable retail outlet with very low labor costs, you don't want a sharp raise in the minimum wage. If you're the low labor cost in question, you do.
In both these cases, the better-off, more educated end is, statistically, better informed and likelier to vote. Their interests, however, do not directly coincide with many of those who aren't voting. Obviously, many of us vote against our economic interests (in both directions) and evaluate on metrics distinct from our direct self-interest. But it's not rational for the country's non-voters to expect that our engagement in the political process will bring about a better outcome for them.
Crossposted, in true Pareto efficiency fashion, at Tapped.
November 6, 2006 in Economics | Permalink
Comments
How very true. So many economist stop at "the gains from free trade [or whatever other buzzphrase is being promoted] are sufficient for the winners to compensate the losers" and than completely ignore the fact that the winners would rather eat flaming maggots than actually compensate the losers.
It's a lot like the old hotel fire joke, where the mathematician (close enough to a modern economist for experimental purposes) dabbles his hand in the water, proclaims, "A solution exists!" and goes back to bed.
Posted by: paul | Nov 6, 2006 11:34:03 AM
More simply, Makiw's disgusting elitist suggestion presumes that there's a clear link between knowing a lot and intelligence and that being "informed" can somehow be quantified. Is someone who watches Fox news 24/7 informed? How about someone who knows a lot about the Middle East by virtue of gobbling up everything written in the Weekly Standard?
Knowing a lot can actually preclude intelligence, especially where politics are concerned. Some of the most astute comments I've heard are from people who haven't internalized the truisms about politics, like the question posed by my apolitical friend regarding Iran. "Wait a minute," she said, after seeing a segment on TV. "Why do we have the right to tell Iran that it can't have a nuclear weapon?"
A question not enough people ask because they know too much.
Posted by: david mizner | Nov 6, 2006 12:02:39 PM
'This has been a nifty trick of the free trade movement: They've transformed debates over specific legislation (NAFTA, CAFTA) into debates over abstract theory. So the economists line up against protectionism, the pundits explain the pitfalls of restricting trade, and nobody actually reads or analyzes the likely outcomes of the particular trade changes proposed by the bill.'
Exactly. That's why it is better to have no legislation on trade at all, because the specific pieces always get bought up by the interested parties.
We have a name for this idea as well. Called free trade. You'll find that an awful lot of economists are in favour of it.
Posted by: Tim Worstall | Nov 6, 2006 12:25:58 PM
The abstraction of this post might make this essay on Pareto's sociology on topic.
"Moreover, Pareto's importance for us today lies in the fact that he
represents one of the most distinguished intellectual currents in the
European tradition. That broad school of thought includes such diverse
figures as Burke, Taine, Dostoyevsky, Burckhardt, Donoso Corts, Nietzsche,
and Spengler and stands in opposition to rationalism, liberalism,
egalitarianism, Marxism, and all of the other offspring of Enlightenment
doctrinaires." ...JT
Posted by: bob mcmanus | Nov 6, 2006 12:26:13 PM
What "abstract theory" are you talking about in regards to NAFTA and especially CAFTA.
Posted by: DRR | Nov 6, 2006 2:07:49 PM
Sometimes," he writes, "the most responsible thing a person can do on election day is stay at home...If you really don't know enough to cast an intelligent vote, you should be eager to let your more informed neighbors make the decision."
Mankiw is perhaps correct if he is referring to people without solid partisan affiliations, whose votes are heavily influenced by advertising and sensationalist reporting. Curiously, this kind of voter is often labeled 'moderate'.
But if Mankiw is referring only to voters whose beliefs are outside the technocrat consensus--well, I'd like to see talk radio listeners stay home as much as he'd like to see single-issue liberals absent themselves. But there's no objective, non-normative basis for considering those voters less informed than the ones we like.
Mankiw may also be responding to the fetishization of high voter turnout (sorry, no time to RTFA right now). But in low turnout elections, the "broken glass" voters are really likely to be the ones he is least enamored of: i.e., culture war fanatics and single-issue activists.
Posted by: kth | Nov 6, 2006 2:29:05 PM
I tend to agree with Mankiw; IF you are really too uninformed even to know "what should I vote for to accomplish the end I want", it probably makes more sense not to vote.
In other words--culture-war fanatics, single-issue voters of all stripes, and so forth may be moral idiots--but they ARE informed on the issues they care about. Their voting may lead to outcomes I don't like; that's a different problem. But the people who aren't sure whether it is Republicans or Democrats who are in favor of "Medicare for All", and vote based on who looked better in their TV ads? I don't think anything is lost if they don't vote.
Posted by: SamChevre | Nov 6, 2006 3:13:08 PM
Mankiw is in fact particularly often falls for this fallacy. He differentiates between "efficiency policies" which boost the economy over all, an "equality policies" that have good redistribution. So he'll often be for a policy that screws the poor by saying how it creates efficiency, and the poors loss can be offset by an equality policy.
I don't recall any equality policies he actually supports though.
Posted by: Tony v | Nov 6, 2006 3:42:32 PM
Well, shoot, this may pertain to the "Pareto Fallacy":
Two Cheers for Formalism ...Krugman via Mark Thoma
"Meanwhile, hopes that these newly industrializing economies will provide export opportunities and thus alternative jobs for the displaced workers are a mirage: wages and hence purchasing power in these countries will remain low, both because of the sheer size of their labor forces and because they need to keep wages low to attract a continuing inflow of capital. Thus workers in the Third World will see no benefit from the process - their economies will achieve high productivity while continuing to pay low wages - while those in advanced countries will find their position undermined both by trade deficits and by capital outflows.
What is wrong with this story? Economists quickly notice that it violates the equation that says that current account plus capital account equals zero. It cannot be true that newly industrializing economies are or will be the recipients of large capital inflows and at the same time export much more than they are importing. And once one tries to fix this aspect of the story, the whole thing falls apart. In particular, suppose that one decides that newly industrializing economies will, in fact, attract large capital inflows. Then one must conclude that they will run current account and probably trade deficits rather than surpluses. But how can they run trade deficits when their productivity rises but their wages remain low? Doesn't this cost advantage ensure a trade surplus? Well, something must be wrong with the premise; perhaps wages will not remain low after all." ...Krugman
There is more at the link
Posted by: bob mcmanus | Nov 6, 2006 4:32:41 PM
If you don't know enough to cast an intelligent vote, do you know enough to know whether you're capable of casting an intelligent vote?
Posted by: Tarwater | Nov 7, 2006 2:41:07 AM



